Light at the End of the Tunnel "Whether the tremendous war so heroically fought and so victoriously ended shall pass into history a miserable failure, barren of permanent results--a scandalous and shocking waste of blood and treasure ... of no value to liberty or Civilization ... must be determined one way or the other," --Frederick Douglass By Mir H. Sadat Oct.-Dec. 1998 Lemar-Aftaab The West may have won the Cold War, but the scepter that bludgeoned the Soviet Union lies in devastation. For more than two decades, Afghanistan has been in constant turmoil. The fighting in Afghanistan has been long and bloody without any resolution in sight. The current Afghan society is so vastly diversified that there seems to be no obvious traditional nor cultural bases for national sentiments to build on. The conflict has marginalized the entire country. Political power vacuums have led leaders to mobilize along ethnic, linguistic, and sectarian lines. Furthermore, like the Cesarean death duels, today some rally to the side of warring parties, rejoicing at the senseless slaughter of Afghans. Since 1992 Afghanistan has been in a great struggle to keep itself as one nation. The ongoing rivalries in Afghanistan, and the many surpassing shifts in alliances, have turned political and economic analysts into fools. Many were hopeful that with the transfer of power in Kabul, work would begin on the reconstruction of Afghanistan, the repatriation of refugees, and the set up of a democratic government. This proved to be wishful thinking and anguish. More discouraging are the frustrations of the last six years. No one would have imagined that the Afghan Crisis would have completely decimated the fragile political economic, psychological, cultural, and educational roots of the country. For example, children were turned into mercenaries of war, although, international law stated that children shall not be recruited (voluntarily or not) and shall not take part in hostilities. In addition, Afghanistan has become the world's largest land-mine crisis. These factors and many others have led to the destruction of the nation's infrastructure, increased illiteracy, increased the numbers of orphans and widows, and forced more refugee exodus into neighboring countries. Some of these countries are trying to foster federalism in Afghanistan as the only form of broad-based government. All are very much interested in the Balkanization of Afghanistan under the name of federalism. The plan accommodates foreign interests, not Afghans' because it seeks to disintegrate Afghanistan. Under this strategy, oil consortiums would be enabled to only deal with a regional authority or warlord, instead of waiting until a representative and widely recognized government is formed to sign an agreement. The oil companies' strategies are so massive that they have hired former United Nations peace negotiators to work as field liaisons. Afghanistan was thought to be a priority route to take the highly demanded oil and gas reserves from Turkmenistan to the Indian Subcontinent. These reserves have not been utilized so far because of the main hurdle of warfare in Afghanistan. All neighboring countries have an economic agenda and seem to care less to nothing about the political situation in Afghanistan. Each nation wants to colonize and exploit Afghanistan for its own purposes. Moreover, the agenda of these countries are all clashing on Afghan soil. So, one cannot solely depend on the goodwill and humanitarian efforts of these countries, individually nor collectively. When Afghans consider the challenges that lie before them after the grim events of the recent years they automatically think of earlier eras when the Afghan State was sturdy and the leaders were in line with the country's power and interests. History reveals that, unlike today, Afghanistan was constructed on nation-wide patriotic sentiments. Afghan movements since the conquests of Abu Muslim Khorasani paralleled religion and patriotism. Thus, in the hope that some light may be shed on our future by reflecting on the experiences of the past, we reflect on three heroes of the Anglo-Afghan Wars. During their struggles, Ghazi Wazir Akbar Khan, Ghazi Ayub Khan, and Shah Amanullah Ghazi, set out to promote Afghan interests by regaining Afghan sovereignty. Obviously, these exercises in historical recollection are in many ways irrelevant to contemporary circumstances. The character of national affairs changes too much from generation to generation for today's leaders to derive more than general guidelines for action from investigating the experiences of the past. Nevertheless, something may indeed be learned from the past if we recognize that in the past leaders have always responded to the question of how to handle Afghan sovereignty and self-determination. This conviction was apparent not only during the periods 1839-42, 1863-1880, and 1919 but also earlier, as suggested in the poem of Khushal Khan Khattak: "I girth up my loins to defend the honor of the Afghans." It was such sentiments that led to the October 1747 election of Ahmad Shah Abdali by an assembly of diversified chieftains. The first formal national movement led by Ahmad Shah Abdali resulted in an empire that extended from eastern Persia to northern India and from the Amu Darya to the Indian Ocean. Seen from the perspective of these four periods in Afghan history, a distinctive Afghan approach to victory emerges from the historical record. In each case, after some hesitation, the national leaders announced the promotion of national integrity and self-determination. Ghazi Wazir Akbar Khan wanted to re-establish the Afghan Empire constructed by Ahmad Shah Abdali. The seventeen-year old went to the front lines to find a middle ground with the British. However, there he confronted and fatally injured the infamous General McNaughton and the British officers. Wazir Akbar Khan also exemplified great chivalry by sparing the lives of British women, children, and surrendering forces. This major figure helped draw an end to the first Anglo-Afghan War. Only four decades later, another great Ghazi, Ayub Khan known as "The Victor of Maiwand." Ayub Khan, not only expelled but also annihilated a whole battalion of colonial British troops to a man. The defeat at Maiwand was a factor in convincing Britain that Afghanistan could never be permanently conquered. This event lead to the eventual British recognition of Abdur Rahman Khan as King. However, Afghan policies were still influenced by Britain. Abdur Rahman Khan's grandson, Amanullah Khan would rise through the ranks of valor to free Afghanistan from foreign tentacles. In 1919, Shah Amanullah Ghazi led Afghanistan to become the first Muslim nation to gain independence. Amanullah Ghazi was struggling to forge an Islamic Empire in Central Asia and the Indian Subcontinent. His victorious forces ensured the collapse of British colonialism by launching the third Anglo-Afghan War. In this War of Independence, the Afghan forces tried like Wazir Akbar Khan to reclaim historic Afghan holdings from Ahmad Shah Abdali's era. Shah Amanullah Ghazi strove to integrate all Afghans, even tribes trapped in British India by the nominal Durand Line. He promulgated a constitution that guaranteed individual liberties and the equal rights of all Afghans. Afghans have struggled for their national interests rather than sub-national. For two hundred plus years, Afghans have filled graveyards for their national honor. Today, observers might wonder just what this terrible struggle had about. These individuals' sacrifices were not a waste of mere lives. It was the Afghan gallantry and patriotism that was exemplified by Shah Amanullah Ghazi, Ghazi Ayub Khan, and Ghazi Wazir Akbar Khan. Reflecting upon our heroic forefathers we realize that we all need to make personal sacrifices. Instead of being cynical and pointing out our differences, we need to be aware that we are all Afghans. Instead of siding and relying on neighboring countries, we ought to pay allegiance and depend on Afghans. As an extension of this point, a nation that makes everyone equal must shaped void of racism, ethnocentrism, and religious discrimination. Any government that is created with these concepts would carry many of patriotic sentiments that were inherent in early days of the nation. However, with each passing day more blood is shed and the light at the end of tunnel becomes less visible. We must put our differences aside and engage in broad spectrums of discussion. If the Iranian-Americans, with all their internal conflicts, were able to come together and change U.S. and European Foreign Policy towards their homeland; then there is no reason for Afghans not to do the same especially when we have always had great relationships with the West. As Afghans living abroad, we need to hold the torch and lead our people out of this dark tunnel. Other Works by Mir H. Sadat: One Nation Under God?(April-June 98) The Lost Treasures (Oct.-Dec.97) Copyright © 1998 Aftaabzad Publications. All Rights Reserved. May not be duplicated or distributed in any form without permission.